7月30日に、南部フィリピンにおける平和構築に関する研究会を名古屋大学で開催します。
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名古屋大学大学院国際開発研究科
日下渉

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Workshop on Peace-building in the Southern Philippines
Date: July 30, 2019
Venue: 1st Meeting Room (8th), Graduate School of International
Development, Nagoya University
https://www.gsid.nagoya-u.ac.jp/en/general/access/
Moderator: Wataru Kusaka (Nagoya University)

11:00-11:50
Aya Watanabe (Waseda University)
The Politics of Peace Processes: the Mindanao Conflict under President
Arroyo and Aquino

13:00-13:50
Asuna Yoshizawa (Kyoto University)
Negotiating Bangsamoro Identity: Focusing on the Definition of
“Bangsamoro people” in MNLF/MILF Ideology, Republic Acts and Peace
Agreements from 1970s to 2018

13:50-14:40
Miyoko Taniguchi. Ph.D. (Japan International Cooperation Agency)
A New Challenge of Bangsamoro Peacebuilding: Focusing on the
Legislative Process of the Bangsamoro Basic Law

14:40-15:30
Yasmira P Moner (Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology)
Peace Connectors: The Role of Civil Society Organisations in the
Bangsamoro Peace Process

The Politics of Peace Processes: the Mindanao Conflict under President
Arroyo and Aquino
Aya Watanabe (Waseda University)
The research examines how the executive-legislative relationships
affect outcomes of the peace process under President Arroyo and
President Aquino, drawing on the ‘veto player framework’ proposed by
Tsebelis (1995; 2002). The existing literature tends to focus on
military factors as a central determinant on civil war termination
(Cunningham 2006, 2012). Also, in the context of the Mindanao peace
processes, many studies point out competing power struggles among
strong Muslim clan groups (Lara 2011; Torres III 2007). In contrast,
few systematic studies exist on how interactions between government
(institutional) actors affect dynamics of the Mindanao peace
processes, although several international observers and Philippine
scholars often point out the importance of domestic politics in the
peace process (Rood 2016; United States Institute of Peace 2008). To
fill the gap in existing studies, this research argues that the
executive strength measured by executive popularity determines
response of government actors who possess veto power over the
executive peace policy, thus affecting outcomes of the peace
processes.

Negotiating Bangsamoro Identity: Focusing on the Definition of
Bangsamoro people in MNLF/MILF Ideology, Republic Acts and Peace
Agreements from 1970s to 2018
Asuna Yoshizawa (Kyoto University)
This paper examines the concept of “Bangsamoro people” in the official
documents including Republic Acts and peace agreements from 1970s to
the present to clarify which political actors have influenced the
definition of “Bangsamoro people” for what purposes, and how it has
affected the grassroots society. Previous Studies on the concept of
Bangsamoro were mainly limited to analysis from the perspective of
Muslim actors although the influence of claim by IPs and Christians in
the peace process is increasing. Thus, this study will reconsider
Bangsamoro identity focusing on the relation with non-Muslim actors. I
argue that the concept of “Bangsamoro” reflects negotiation regarding
territory, in which MNLF and MILF blurred the definition of
“Bangsamoro people” in order to preserve as much territory as
possible, while Christian politicians tried to narrow the territory of
the autonomous region by limiting Bangsamoro to Muslims. I also
explain about the recent movements by non-Muslim actors to participate
in BARMM and provide a scope for my future research which will explore
the interaction between peacebuilding at the government level and
grassroots cohabitation in Muslim-Christian mixed settlement areas.

A New Challenge of Bangsamoro Peacebuilding: Focusing on the
Legislative Process of the Bangsamoro Basic Law
Miyoko TANIGUCHI. Ph.D. (Japan International Cooperation Agency)
The armed conflict between the state and Muslim Insurgents seeking
separation from the Philippines, which intensified after the 1970s,
has not truly ended. The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), a
movement founded by Nur Misuari in 1968, initiated an armed struggle
against the state. The Government of the Philippine (GPH) and the MNLF
continued fighting and eventually reached the Final Peace Agreement
(FPA) in 1996. Only after the FPA, Chairman Misuari of the MNLF became
governor of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).　The
signing of the FPA implied the beginning of another round of
negotiation between the GPH and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
(MILF) that was separated from the MNLF, and not the conclusion of the
conflict. The GPH began peace talks with the MILF following the FPA in
1996 and soon reached a ceasefire agreement in 1997. However, only
under the Aquino III administration both sides reached a comprehensive
peace agreement (CAB) in 2014 that has not led to the full
implementation of the CAB due to the non-passage of a Bangsamoro Basic
Law at Christian dominated Congress.　Under such condition, which the
strong initiative by President Duterte that assumed the office in
2016, Republic Act 11054, known as Bangsamoro Transition Authority,
that will govern the territory until 2022, was established in
February, 2019. In this sense, a new chapter of “peacebuilding” for
the Bangsamoro through identifying contributing factors on the passage
of BOL, explaining how vertical and horizontal relations between the
state and the Moros and among the Moros, have changed in the course of
legal process. A New chapter on peacebuilding for the Bangsamoro has
just began. Whether or not preliminary efforts can bring about
sustainable peace depends on how the MILF led Bangsamoro Transition
Authority can be functioned as a “government” for the Bangsamoro
people.

Peace Connectors: The Role of Civil Society Organisations in the
Bangsamoro Peace Process
Yasmira P Moner (Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology)
Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in the Philippines are considered
to be among the most dynamic actors and stakeholders especially in
forging development agenda and peace processes, particularly in
Southern Philippines. This essay postulates three important findings
on the roles of CSOs during the recently concluded two-phase
Bangsamoro Organic Law Plebiscite on January 21 and February 6, 2019
respectively, which led to the ratification of the RA 11054 otherwise
known as the Organic Law for the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in
Muslim Mindanao (OLBARMM). Firstly, CSOs serve as facilitators in the
horizontal dimension of strengthening people-to-people relations as
manifested in their active participation during the BOL campaign.
Secondly, social capital is enhanced through the range of
participation of the CSOs ranging from monitoring the ceasefire
agreements and civilian protection component (Nonviolent PeaceForce)
peace education and interfaith dialogues (MSU-IIT Institute for Peace
and Development, BUC-MTYC), and service delivery, especially in the
conflict-affected displaced communities of Marawi and Lanao del Sur
(Pakigdait, PAILIG and UNYPAD). These basic social services are vital
in sustaining the gains of the peace process in a post-conflict
environment. Lastly, CSOs have provided social spaces through
partnerships with their communities, especially among the youth on
co-creating a community-driven peacebuilding initiatives and programs
which are geared towards building mutual trust and confidence building
measure that are crucial in the transitional period of the new
Bangsamoro Autonomous Region. Transformative change in Muslim Mindanao
is being catapulted by the critical engagement, on one hand and
proactive participation on another, by the CSOs in the Bangsamoro.